Showing posts with label communities. Show all posts
Showing posts with label communities. Show all posts

Friday, March 8, 2013

ANT and Antifragility in ‘No Man’s Land’ Oklahoma



A recent paper by Rebecca Sheehan and Jacqueline Vadjunec  (Oklahoma State University) in Social and Cultural Geography (Volume 13, December 2012, pages 915-936 you will need an account to access the journal online) on communities in Oklahoma’s ‘No Man’s Land’ is a very good demonstration of how actor network theory can be used to analyse how communities are constructed and, importantly, how they behave under stress. Sheehan and Vadjunec note how residents work together on tasks such as branding in the spring, collecting necessities in towns that could be 30-150 miles away and travelling to hospital when a ranching or farming accident happens. This neighbourly behaviour and the relations it is based on underlies what they describe as a robust actor network of relations.

I was wondering if you could go further than this and suggest that the actor network is actually antifragile? The authors point out two examples that may back up this idea that the actor network actually gains strength from adversity. Medical expenses for individuals in the community were often covered by fundraisers or anonymous donations that were also made to cover funeral expenses. Likewise, these adverse events produced responses of kindness that ranged from phone calls of sympathy and understanding to practical help of meals and contributions to ranch work. In one case the death of a farmer at harvest time resulted in the unplanned, spontaneous reaction of several farmers turning up with their combines within 36 hours of his death to help the widow to collect the harvest.

Adverse, or what seem to be adverse events, activate relations in the actor network that produce behaviour that help individuals and seem to strengthen the sense of community and the actor network as a whole. It is only by the enactment of these relations in times of adversity however that this strengthening can occur.
If this argument is accepted then a whole battery of other issues arise that only the detailed analysis of actor networks in particular locations can answer. These actor networks need to be studied before during and after adverse events to analyse which relations are activated, how and if there is any pattern to these relations. Events are the only means by which relations can be identified and their role in strengthening the actor network understood. Similarly, it is through such detailed analysis that we can begin to map out the limits to such antifragile behaviour. The strengthening behaviour in this case seems to be an organic outgrowth from the underlying relations that define and bind the community. Eroding these relations will erode the ability of the community to define itself and to strengthen itself in the face of adverse events. Understanding the type of adverse events such actor networks can cope with, absorb the impacts of and gain strength from is also an important aspect that requires further research. Communities may be antifragile in the face of certain adverse events but be extremely fragile should the nature of the adverse event change. In the case of this community, if the adverse event is a general failure of all harvests then the capacity to respond and help other members of the network dissipates. If the encroachment of ‘new’ people into the area happens then this again may weaken the underlying relations that aid community definition, eroding the capacity to activate relations in crisis events and so gain strength from the community-based respond to a crisis event. Starting to map the contours of what an antifragile actor network looks like and the limits of antifragile behaviour could be an interesting area of research.

Sunday, July 15, 2012

Surface Water Flows and Flooding

The recent ASC report on flooding and water scarcity makes some interesting points about surface water flows, particularly those associated with flood hazard in urban areas. The report states that ‘Every millimetre of rainfall deposits a litre of water on a square metre of land’. Water falling onto a paved, impermeable will not infiltrate into the ground and so the volume has to move somewhere. The amount of paved surface is increasing as the report noted that green spaces in urban areas have been paved over and so surface water flows in urban areas are increasing even before the more intense rainfall associated with climate change is considered. The figures cited are that the proportion of paved gardens has increased from 20%in 2001 to 48% in 2011 of the total garden area of 340,000 hectares.

To combat this increase in paved area contributing to runoff the report suggest that urban creep should be minimized, sustainable urban drainage (SUDS) (SUDS) (SUDS-EA) should be improve to slow down water flows and store water above ground, and that conventional sewers should be maintained or upgraded: all good ideas. Recent floods in urban areas have highlighted the importance of such measures. Paved surfaces permit no storage of water, runoff is almost immediate and, with intense rainfall, the volumes of runoff involved can be huge within a short period of time. Overwhelmed urban drainage systems mean that the water moves rapidly across impermeable surfaces and flows through streets and roadways using them like predefined river channels. Similarly, when a river bursts its banks the water tends to use the paved, impermeable surface as a routeway for movement. The urban road network provides a convenient substitute for natural channels providing water with a rapid means of moving across an urban area.
A great deal of the potential damage from a flood and even flash floods could be mapped using a detailed digital elevation model (DEM) and a knowledge of past events in an urban area. This will help map out previous routeways that surface flows have used. Future events may be harder to predict, as the urban infrastructure changes and precautions are taken by planners to block or re-route surface flow, then the microtopogaphy of the urban area may be a guide to patterns of surface flow but other factors will also affect the detailed routes the water takes. The local detail is a bugger for modelling flow patterns. It will be interesting to see what, if any, use is made of the information about flood damage from the recent floods. There is a great deal of information online from Twitter, as well as local blogs and newspapers accounts that could provide a great deal of information about how surface water moved through urban areas. The potential for ‘citizen science’, for ordinary people (a horrible term that seems to imply scientists and planners are extraordinary) to contribute to the scientific investigation of flooding is immense. Co-ordination of this type of information, the mere exercise of collecting and collating information, or judging its quality and usefulness fro modelling and understanding urban surface flow is immense. Time, expertise and, potential funds, are needed for these activities but by who is unclear. Once the aftermath of the floods disappears from public view, the chances of funding such work drops dramatically. The need for people, the public (rather than the ordinary – anyone got a better term that isn’t condescending?) to be involved is important, however, if some of the recommendations of the ASC report are put into practice. In particular, the emphasis on households undertaking property-level flood protection measures might be enhanced if they were also actively involved in monitoring and in the feedback loop from modelling studies of their local areas. This would not only mean they were better informed about the risks of flooding but also more likely to act in the manner hoped for by planners if they felt they were an active part of preventing flood damage rather than passive victims in urban flooding.





Tuesday, April 10, 2012

Evidence in the National Planning Policy Framework

There is a section in the National Planning Policy Framework that deals with ‘Using a proportionate evidence base’ (paragraphs 159-177). This is designed to help planners make decisions concerning housing, business, infrastructure, minerals, security and the environment (the subsections identified). In my opinion it is essential to have an evidence base to produce valid and justifiable decisions in the planning process and the aim to have such decisions based on ‘adequate’ up-to-date and relevant evidence’ is highly laudable. Issues may arise, however, with the exact meaning of some of these terms. The term ‘adequate’ is essential – there will never be complete information or evidence upon which to make a decision. Planners, just like scientists, have to use the evidence that is available to them. There may be some scope to create information through local surveys and focus groups but for the rapid planning that the framework is pushing the scope for this may be limited. It is what is accepted as 'adeqaute' that could be debated.

The framework does provide pointers as to the type of information or evidence required. For housing, a Strategic Housing Market Assessment is required – a model of housing needs (and like any models assumptions will be needed to make it work). For most of the subsections a key piece of evidence is the current state of the area – for example, what minerals and where, what floor space exists and how much is needed into the future and where. Developing databases and producing up-to-date geographic information systems (GISs) of all this information is essential to the planning process even if that means collaboration and discussion with organisations such as health organisations (paragraph 171) that already have the appropriate information to hand. Form my viewpoint as a geographer this all seems a great idea and one that could provide employment for geography graduates skilled at thinking spatially and at collecting and analysing spatially tagged (or spatially co-ordinated) information.

The cynic in me wants to ask some other questions though. What will count as ‘relevant’ evidence? Does evidence produced by researchers funded by interested stakeholders count? Can communities research an issue and provide their own evidence? If ‘independent’ research or evidence counts who defines the term ‘independent’? Which stakeholders can afford to fund research that produces ‘independent’ evidence? Does this type of definition of evidence mean some stakeholders have more say in being able to provide ‘relevant’ evidence than other stakeholders? The decision about what is proportionate seems to imply that someone, somewhere in the planning process can say ‘that’s enough’ and make a decision based on what they consider to be relevant evidence. You may also have noticed above that I used the terms ‘information’ and ‘evidence’ interchangeably – they are not the same thing but could be conflated. I could collect information about the location of houses in an area but the way that information is used as evidence of the need for more housing or as evidence of pressure on infrastructure is an entirely different thing. Evidence implies a degree of interpretation, of using information to support or refute a viewpoint or idea. Information does not mean this or rather not necessarily as why would I collect information on housing in the first place if not to put forward or support a viewpoint?

Neighbourhoods and communities: 'Locals' in the National Planning Policy Framework

Neighbourhoods and communities feature strongly in the National Planning Policy Framework. As part of the core planning principles (page 5), plan-making and decision-taking should:


‘take account of the different roles and character of different areas, promoting the vitality of our main urban areas, protecting the Green Belts around them, recognising the intrinsic character and beauty of the countryside and supporting thriving rural communities within it:’

Town centres come in for particular discussion forming a whole section (paragraphs 23-27) concerned with improving their vitality. Likewise, section 8 on ‘Promoting healthy communities’ reads as an important opportunity for communities and neighbourhoods to engage in developing secure and accessible places. The continued emphasis on local authorities to engage with communities in the planning process via the Community Right to Build Order right at the start of the process also sounds extremely positive.

There are two key questions that need to be asked about this move towards ‘localism’. Who are the neighbourhoods and communities and how do they actually achieve any influence? The first question is always a tricky one – what are communities and how do you recognise them or more importantly for planning how can they become officially recognised? Are communities and place the same? Does the community need to form about a specific issue or theme? Does the community need to be ‘local’ and match the same spatial extent as parish or local authority boundaries? The continued use of the terms ‘neighbourhood and communities’ with local authorities tends to suggest that the framework see communities as spatially limited and defined and coinciding, luckily, with the planning areas of the local authorities. Similarly, the framework seems to imply that communities are relatively small (no size is given) as they will discuss ‘local’ issues with the planners. This issue of scale is vital and could be a sticking point in planning. How many individuals do you need to have a viable community that the planners will listen to? Do you all have to live in the same location as if concern for a specific habitat needs to be limited to people that live in a specific area? Henry Hemming in his recent book ‘Together’ makes the point that many modern communities are virtual or extra-local or both. How do these fit into the planning process?

Even assuming that the ‘community’ can be identified and its representatives selected rather than just being people with the time and resources to be active on local issues (not that I am denigrating those that are as every issue needs dedicated individuals to lead it), how can they influence planning policy? This is dealt with in the ‘Plan-making’ section of the framework. Paragraph 155 calls for ‘early and meaningful engagement and collaboration with neighbourhoods, local organisations and business. The section on neighbourhood plans begins at paragraph 183 and by paragraph 184 makes it clear that:

the ambition of the neighbourhood should be aligned with the strategic needs and priorities of the wider local area. Neighbourhood plans must be in general conformity with the strategic policies of the Local Plan…Neighbourhood plans should reflect these policies and neighbourhoods should positively plan to support them. Neighbourhood plans and orders should not promote less development than set out in the Local Plan or undermine its strategic policies’.

Now I am happy to be corrected but this implies to me that neighbourhoods and communities can not alter anything that contradicts the Local Plan and the interest of the wider local area (whatever that means). Anything locals propose has to fit into these wider strategic plans. Not sure where that leaves localism?




Henry Hemming' book Together





Presumption of Sustainability?

Hierarchy of Priorities in the National Planning Policy Framework?


Reading the National Planning Policy Framework in detail has given me a number of themes that I want to develop, although be aware I do tend to have a cynical and sceptical view of such documents. In this blog I will look at the structure of the key areas of the document and the potential hierarchy of priorities that they provide. Media interest in he document has, maybe predictably, died down after the initial rush of organisations announcing their broad contentment with the framework. As I mention in a previous blog, this contentment may be the result of each group reading into the term ‘sustainable development’ exactly what it wants to.
The presumption of sustainable development is one of the key and motivating themes of the framework. The Ministerial foreword even states that

‘a presumption in favour of sustainable development is the basis for every plan, and every decision.

 A little earlier within the same foreword sustainable development is defined as being about positive growth, about making economic, environmental and social progress for this and future generations. On page 2, Achieving sustainable development, the three dimensions to sustainable development are listed as economic, social and environmental (ordering changed from the Ministerial statement already!) This ordering of roles, dimensions, call them whatever you want, is stuck to consistently throughout the framework, although all three should be pursued simultaneously (page 3 first mentions this). By paragraph 9 on page 3 the ordering becomes more specific with job creation, people’s living conditions and high quality homes being specifically mentioned. (net gains for nature are identified as well but seem to be couched in terms of value as in the Natural Environment White Paper, The Natural Choice: Securing the Value of Nature, 2011).

Getting into core planning principles (paragraph 5) and paragraph 17 pushes proactively driving sustainable economic development by which is meant delivery of homes, business and industrial units, infrastructure, particularly taking into account ‘market signals’ (although if this is as crude as ‘price’ is unclear). Paragraphs 19-21 again emphases the government commitment to delivering sustainable economic growth (in a section titled ‘Delivering sustainable development). Paragraphs 23-27 highlight the need to develop town centres economically, whilst point 28 is concerned with rural economic development. High quality home supply (paragraphs 47-55), good design (paragraphs 56-68) and healthy communities (paragraphs 69-78) are all discussed before protection of Green Belt Land (paragraphs 79-92). Section 10 ‘Meeting the challenge of climate change, flooding and coastal change’ begins on page 21 and discusses low carbon futures but paragraph 98 states that when determining planning applications, local planning authorities should:

'not require applicants for energy development to demonstrate the overall need fro renewable or low carbon energy….. approve the application if its impacts are (or can be made) acceptable.’

Not sure what acceptable is defined as in this context or is it rather the varying contexts of the local conditions? If the latter then this makes the framework very much based on context and the decision-making process within local contexts. Localism at its best or the potential for spatial inequalities in decision-making?

Paragraph 152 suggests that there should be net gains in all three dimensions of sustainable development implying that losses in some are acceptable if gains can be proven. What criteria will be applied to show this?
Within the ‘Plan-making’ section, paragraph 156 again provides a list of strategic priorities that runs: housing and jobs, provision of retail, leisure and other commercial developments, provision of infrastructure (listing specifically for what), provision of health, security, community and cultural infrastructure and lastly climate change mitigation and adaptation as well as enhancement of natural and historic environment. The evidence base for decision-making (paragraphs 159-172) lists specifically housing, business, infrastructure, minerals, defence and then environment.

Why have I gone through this in detail? When reading such a framework one of the key things is the impression you get from the prioritisation of factors or variables. Within the framework, housing, jobs, business and infrastructure are nearly always considered before environment. Is this just an arbitrary decision? Does it reflect an implicit hierarchy of priorities for planning decisions based no the framework? You could argue that I have been selective in my reading of the framework and read far too much into the ordering but then again when it comes down to local decision-making aren’t the various stakeholders involved going to go through the framework in such detail and select the points and emphasis most crucial to their viewpoints? Remember paragraph 176 about safeguards – they should be clearly justified to the applicant (not the other way around!) and options for keeping such costs to a minimum fully explored so that development is not inhibited unnecessarily – there are so many debateable terms to define here I do wonder about implementation.



Monday, July 26, 2010

COMMUNITIES AND ENVIROMENTAL GEOGRAPHY

ENVIRONMENTAL GEOGRAPHY THAT MATTERS

I outlined my initial view of environmental geography a couple of blogs ago. Since then I have been looking around for something that could clarify, expand and explain my view with a little more clarity and depth. I hope that my outline of the different approaches to studying hazards is beginning to show how environmental geography can be relevant.

I have been, however, loking for something that would serve as a reference for dicsussion; something that might need expansion and correction from time to time but one which readers of the blog might like to mull over and consider. A useful starting point might be the quote below taken from a book by Bent Flyvbjerg. I have just replaced the words ‘social science’ with the words ‘environmental geography’.

.. we must take up problems that matter to the local, national, and global communities in which we live, and we must do it in ways that matter; we must focus on issues of values and power like great social scientists have advocated ….. Finally, we must effectively communicate the results of our research to fellow citizens. If we do this we may successfully transform [environmental geography] from what is fast becoming a sterile academic activity, which is undertaken mostly for its own sake and in increasing isolation from a society on which it has little effect and from which it gets little appreciation. We may transform [environmental geography] to an activity done in public for the public, sometimes to clarify, sometimes to intervene, sometimes to generate new perspectives, and always to serve as eyes and ears in our ongoing efforts at understanding the present and deliberating about the future.

(Bent Flyvbjerg, 2001, Making social science matter – why social science inquiry fails and how it can succeed again. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. p.166.)

Bent Flyvbjerg is professor at the University of Oxford, in the Said Business School (http://www.sbs.ox.ac.uk/research/people/Pages/BentFlyvbjerg.aspx). He has lead a debate calling for a rejection of the natural science model of research in the social sciences and making social sciences more relevant to people outside science such as citizens and policy makers. He has developed the phronetic approach to social sciences, i.e. studying of social phenomena with a focus on power and values. This approach asks four specific questions:

1. Where are we going?
2. Is this development desirable?
3. Who gains and who loses, and by which mechanisms of power?
4. What, if anything, should we do about it?

(see Wikipiedia for more details: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Phronetic_social_science)

Whilst Flyvbjerg focuses on a idealised model of how physical science is done culminating in a predictive model of reality that is not necessarily how mdoern science with one eye on complexity views or understands reality, he does make an interesting point that predictability as understood in the natural sciences may not be achievable in the social sciences. The application of a model with relaible equations or laws may not be that useful in trying to predict human behaviour or in answering questions of what ought to be, of what is fair, questions of value and judgement that natural science, in the view of many social scientists, has trouble with.

My own view is that the physical sciences (for want of a better term) ask important, but different types of questions of the environment than social sciences so it is not a surprise that different types of answers are produced by each type of study. What the above quote does emphasis is that study for its own sake will produce a sterile subject. Although environmental geography has not wandered down this cul-de-sac yet, it is vital that it is practised and practised in a relevant context for it to develop and to provide communities with the perspective and power to improve their circumstances. In other words environmental geography must be relevant.

So what would a relevant environmental geography look like? Could it square the circle of incorporating both natural and social science? Could it inform and empower communities? A possible example of this type of environmental geography is provided by the South Durban Environmental Alliance (http://www.sdcea.co.za/). This is a community based organization, active since 1996, (an umbrella for 14 affiliate organizations) that lobbies, reports and researches industrial incidents in the South Durban area of South Africa. It is a good example of participatory science or democratic science where communities get involved in developing, logging, collating and interpreting scientific information and knowledge. The division between ‘expert’ and ‘local’ knowledge becomes deliberately blurred. The reporting of incidents, for example, is collated and mapped http://www.sdcea.co.za/images/stories/pdfs/mapsincidentstoscale0406.pdf . A set of data reliant on local knowledge, presented in a format understandable to local people and available for local communities to lobby on the basis of ‘scientific’ information.
Geography is central to this alliance and they have produced a brochure on their use of GIS in developing this community based science. http://www.sdcea.co.za/images/stories/pdfs/gisbrochurejuly08a.pdf
http://www.sdcea.co.za/images/stories/pdfs/gisbrochurejuly08b.pdf
Although this type of community based activity may not be translatable across the globe it does illustrate how individuals can use geography to monitor, interpret and lobby for action on their local environments. Environmental geography that really matters.